Donald Trump e o fascismo: uma análise inspirada na teoria crítica / Donald Trump and fascism: an analysis inspired by critical theory / Donald Trump y el fascismo: un análisis inspirado en la teoría crítica / Donald Trump et le fascisme: une analyse inspirée de la théorie critique

Resumo A atuação de Donald Trump durante o período em que esteve na presidência dos Estados Unidos suscita a investigação de possíveis semelhanças entre ele e líderes fascistas do passado. A proposta deste ensaio é apresentar reflexões sobre a atuação política de Trump, inspiradas pelas discussões sobre a psicologia e a propaganda fascista na teoria crítica. Embora pareça impossível tomar Trump por um líder fascista clássico, principalmente em razão de contextos históricos muito diferentes, também é impossível desconsiderar o nexo entre suas estratégias políticas e o modus operandi de agitadores fascistas no século XX. Além disso, é inegável que sua política mobiliza elementos sociopsicológicos que remontam às análises da emergência do fascismo histórico, como a identificação com uma figura idealizada e transcendente, a submissão a uma autoridade ou causa superior e a agressividade direcionada às ameaças do out-group.

Abstract Donald Trump's actions during his presidency calls for an investigation regarding possible similarities between him and fascist leaders of the past. This essay is reflects on Trump's political actions inspired by discussions on fascist psychology and propaganda within Critical Theory. Although Trump may escape the category of a classic fascist leader, mainly due to the different historical contexts, the similarities between his political strategies and those of 20th-century fascist agitators is undeniable. Moreover, his politics mobilize socio-psychological elements that date back to the emergence of historical fascism, such as identification with an idealized and transcendent identity, submission to a superior authority or cause, and aggressiveness directed to out-group threats.

Resumen La actuación de Donald Trump durante el período en el que fue presidente de los Estados Unidos plantea la posibilidad de investigar posibles similitudes entre los líderes fascistas del pasado y él. El propósito de este ensayo es presentar reflexiones sobre la actuación política de Trump inspiradas en discusiones sobre psicología y propaganda fascista en teoría crítica. Si bien parece imposible ver a Trump como un líder fascista clásico, principalmente debido a contextos históricos muy diferentes, también es imposible ignorar el nexo entre sus estrategias políticas y el modus operandi de los agitadores fascistas en el siglo XX. Además, es innegable que su política moviliza elementos sociopsicológicos que se remontan al análisis del surgimiento del fascismo histórico, como la identificación con una identidad idealizada y trascendente, la sumisión a una autoridad o causa superior, y agresividad dirigida a amenazas del out-group.

Résumé Les actions de Donald Trump au cours de sa présidence appellent une enquête sur les similitudes possibles entre lui et les leaders fascistes du passé. Cet essai réfléchit aux actions politiques de Trump en s'inspirant des discussions sur la psychologie et la propagande fasciste au sein de la Théorie Critique. Bien que Trump puisse échapper à la catégorie de leader fasciste classique, principalement en raison de contextes historiques très différents, les similitudes entre ses stratégies politiques et celles des agitateurs fascistes du XXe siècle sont indéniable. En outre, sa politique mobilise des éléments socio-psychologiques qui remontent à l'émergence du fascisme historique, tels que l'identification à une identité idéalisée et transcendante, la soumission à une autorité ou à une cause supérieure, et l'agressivité dirigées vers les menaces du out-group.

The "Free Speech Bus": Making "gender ideology" appear through media and performance.

This article argues that the concept of "gender ideology" produces and reproduces reactionary subjectivities using different media (videos, texts, memes, images, etc.), diverse platforms (Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube, TikTok, etc.), and performative actions that form a decentralized propaganda machine that propagates, mobilizes, agitates, and organizes reactionary bases. Using close reading as method of inquiry, I analyze a vast archive of images, videos, and documents from the Spanish organization Hazte Oír/CitizenGo, focusing on the #FreeSpeechBus campaign in which buses with transphobic (2017) and antifeminist (2019) slogans toured different cities across Spain and around the world.The article unfolds in four parts. In the first part, I describe gender ideology and the bus campaign as the product of a decentralized propaganda machine that produces, agitates, and organizes reactionary subjectivities through media and incarnated discourses. In the second section, I situate my perspective in relation to existing literature about gender ideology. In the third section, I will illustrate how "gender ideology" relies on the appropriation of the vocabulary and mobilization strategies traditionally associated with liberation movements as well as a fascist and right-wing repertoire of performative and media strategies. In the final part, I show the importance of fostering a transfeminist antifascism to fight "gender ideology," an approach that supports the work of activists who are fighting in the trenches, builds on efforts to decenter white cis women as the subject of feminism, supports sex workers, and reclaims media and performance as indispensable weapons in the political battle.

La Academia de los Linceos y su historial de resurgimientos / The Lincei Academy and its History of Revivals

El manuscrito hace una revisión sobre la historia de la Academia de Los Linceanos creada a principios de siglo XVII con todas las vicisitudes que rodearon una existencia la cual ya supera los 500 años. Como una muestra cabal de sus claroscuros se efectúa un repaso de las peripecias atravesadas en los años del fascismo, la política antisemita que la atravesó y la posterior reconstitución concluida la guerra. Vayan pues para ella, los deseos de una travesía en plena armonía y no más sobresaltos. (AU)

The manuscript reviews the history of the Academy of the Linceans created at the beginning of the 17th century with all its ups and downs surrounding an existence that already exceeds 500 years. As a clear example of such chiaroscuro, an account of the threats experienced during the fascist period together with its piercing anti-Semitic policy, and the subsequent reconstitution after the war, is also made. Long live then to the Academy, and our very best wishes for a consonant future devoid of upsetting facts. (AU)

Fascism as a recurring possibility: Zeev Sternhell, the anti-Enlightenment, and the intellectual history of European modernity.

The article offers an overview and a critical assessment of the work of Zeev Sternhell, focussing on the questions of fascism and of the anti-Enlightenment tradition. It claims that the career of the Israeli historian revolves around the intuition of a history of European modernity marked by a central opposition: that between the Enlightenment and the anti-Enlightenment. I show how the idea is already present in his initial works, and argue that it produces a specific kind of intellectual history, concerned with the unity of traditions over large temporal horizons. I claim that it has the advantage of offering an historically grounded reading of fascism which nonetheless is capable to account for its emergence in apparently very dissimilar contexts. After having examined some of the shortcomings of this approach, I offer an historical explanation for the type of intellectual history practiced by Sternhell, arguing that it must be tied to his political activism in Israel.

O tipo político fascista e o esporte: uma abordagem epistemológica / The fascist political type and sport: an epistemological approach / El tipo político fascista y el deporte: un enfoque epistemológico

RESUMO O presente artigo objetivou investigar à luz da teoria de Adorno como o esporte é utilizado na propaganda bolsonarista. O trabalho tem um caráter teórico-empírico, cujos aspectos do pensamento de Adorno tornam-se instrumento para análise do fenômeno esportivo. Metodologicamente, foram analisadas as publicações do perfil oficial do Instagram de Jair Bolsonaro que fizessem alguma menção ao esporte. Verificou-se que há uma vinculação entre o esporte de alto rendimento e a propaganda fascista difundida pelo perfil de Bolsonaro. Concluiu-se que a propaganda fascista incorpora estratégias de cunho psicológico e anti-intelectual visando atingir às massas na propagação de fatos desvinculados de seu contexto e pseudoverdades, com o propósito de penetração das ideias fascistas.

ABSTRACT This article aimed to investigate, in the light of Adorno's theory, how sport is used in Bolsonarist propaganda. The work has a theoretical-empirical character, whose aspects of Adorno's thought become an instrument for analyzing the sporting phenomenon. Methodologically, publications from Jair Bolsonaro's official Instagram profile that made any mention of sport were analyzed. It was found that there is a link between high-performance sport and the fascist propaganda spread by Bolsonaro's profile. It was concluded that fascist propaganda incorporates psychological and anti-intellectual strategies aimed at reaching the masses in the propagation of facts disconnected from their context and pseudo-truths, with the purpose of penetrating fascist ideas.

RESUMEN Este artículo tuvo como objetivo investigar a la luz de la teoría de Adorno cómo el deporte es utilizado en la propaganda bolsonarista. La obra tiene un carácter teórico-empírico cuyos aspectos del pensamiento de Adorno convertirse en análisis del fenómeno deportivo. Metodológicamente se analizaron las publicaciones del perfil oficial de Instagram de Jair Bolsonaro que hicieran mención al deporte. Se constató que existe un vínculo entre el deporte de alto rendimiento y la propaganda fascista difundida por el perfil de Bolsonaro. Se concluyó que la propaganda fascista incorpora estrategias psicológicas y antiintelectuales encaminadas a llegar a las masas en la propagación de hechos desconectados de su contexto y pseudoverdades con el propósito de penetrar ideas fascistas.

Brasil: deixando de ser país de viado? Análise do discurso da ideologia de gênero no cis-héterobolsonarismo / ¿Brasil: dejando de ser país de maricas? Análisis del discurso de la ideología de género en el cis-hétero-bolsonarismo / Brazil: no longer a country of fags? Analysis of the discourse of gender ideology in cis-hetero-bolsonarism

Resumo Neste artigo tenho como objetivo refletir sobre as singularidades sexuais e de gênero presentes no bolsonarismo. Para isso, analiso o funcionamento discursivo das políticas sexo-gendradas que irrompem, hegemonicamente, do discurso da extrema direita, representado pelo que se convencionou chamar, nessa formação discursiva, de "ideologia de gênero". Utilizo o termo "cis-hétero-bolsonarismo" para descrever essas configurações político-ideológicas que se apresentam desde os movimentos reacionários latino-americanos das últimas décadas. Ao delimitar o fenômeno do cis-hétero-bolsonarismo, busco interpretar o funcionamento dessa discursividade, compreendendo sua rede dispositiva de sentidos pela descrição de seus domínios de memória, a saber: integralismo, militarismo e fascismo. Para abordar tais questões, tenho os estudos da Linguagem, a teoria queer e os estudos da biopolítica como referências teóricas.

Resumen En este artículo mi objetivo es reflexionar sobre las singularidades sexuales y de género presentes en el bolsonarismo. Para eso, analizo el funcionamiento discursivo de las políticas sexo-género que emergen, hegemónicamente, del discurso de la ultraderecha, representado por lo que se ha convenido en llamar, en esta formación discursiva, "ideología de género". Utilizo el término "cis-hétero-bolsonarismo" para describir estas configuraciones político-ideológicas que se presentan desde los movimientos reaccionarios latinoamericanos de las últimas décadas. Al delimitar el fenómeno del cis-hétero-bolsonarismo, busco interpretar el funcionamiento de esta discursividad, comprendiendo su red dispositiva de sentidos mediante la descripción de sus dominios de memoria, a saber: integralismo, militarismo y fascismo. Para abordar estas cuestiones, tengo los estudios del Lenguaje, la teoría queer y los estudios de la biopolítica como referencias teóricas.

Abstract In this article my aim is to reflect on the sexual and gender singularities present in Bolsonarism. To do so, I analyze the discursive functioning of sex-gender policies that emerge, hegemonically, from the discourse of the far-right, represented by what has become known, in this discursive formation, as "gender ideology". I use the term "cis-hetero-bolsonarism" to describe these political-ideological configurations that have emerged from Latin American reactionary movements in recent decades. By delimiting the phenomenon of cishetero-bolsonarism, I seek to interpret the functioning of this discourse, understanding its dispositif network of meanings through the description of its domains of memory, namely: integralism, militarism, and fascism. To address these issues, I have language studies, queer theory, and biopolitical studies as theoretical references.

A 'catastrophic consequence': Fascism's debate on the legal status of Libyans and the issue of mixed marriages (1938-1939).

This article assesses the role that institutional concern for the possibility of interracial marriages played in the Italian Fascist party's internal debate regarding the legal status of Libyans in the second half of the 1930s. Following the end of the 'pacification' of the Libyan resistance in 1932, Governor Italo Balbo pushed for the region's demographic colonization and the legal inclusion of the colonial territory and its population within the metropole. In contrast, Fascist Party officials in Rome endorsed starker racial segregation in the colonies based on the racist ideology that permeated the regime after the declaration of the empire in 1936. The legal inclusion of Libyans within the metropolitan body politic touched upon the regime's most sensitive theme: the need to avoid any promiscuity that could interfere with the racial consciousness of Fascist Italy. This article analyses this dispute through the lens of interracial marriage and concubinage regulations, framing it into the definition of a normative standard of Italian whiteness through the racialization of the colonial Other.

Theft of Gramsci? On the radical right, radical left, and common sense.

Drawing on ethnographic research with radical right-wing activists in Italy and Poland, my article reflects on the ways in which the Gramscian framework may enhance our understanding of the present-day political landscape. Gramsci's role in the article is threefold. First, since he was a keen observer of fascist developments, I relate his observations on fascism and inquire into their relevance for understanding the rise of the far right today. Second, I explore the agendas of the movements I studied through the Gramscian lens. Inspired by the special issue's editors, I examine the extent to which Gramsci's concept of "common sense" is helpful for analyzing contemporary far-right activism. Third, I relate my own ethnographic observation to analyses of a broader terrain of far-right politics to shed light on the phenomenon of "far-right Gramscianism." Bringing together all these observations on the radical right, "common sense" and Gramsci's legacy, I reflect on the complex interrelationship between the radical right and the radical left.

A puzzling marriage? UNESCO and the Madrid Festival of Science (1955).

From 17 to 22 October 1955, Madrid hosted the UNESCO Festival of Science. In the early years of the Cold War, in a dictatorial country that had recently been admitted into the international community, the festival aimed to spread science to the public through displays of scientific instruments, public lectures, book exhibitions, science writers professional associations, and debates about the use of different media. In this context, foreign visitors, many of whom came from liberal democracies, seemed comfortable in the capital of a country ruled by a dictatorship that had survived after the defeat of fascism in the Second World War and was struggling to gain foreign recognition after years of isolation.This article analyzes the political role of science popularization in Madrid at that time. It approaches the apparently puzzling marriage between UNESCO's international agenda for peace and democracy and the interests of the Francoist elites. Shared views of technocratic modernity, the fight against communism, and a diplomacy that served Spanish nationalism, paved the way for the alliance.

A "profecia cyberpunk": da tecnomodernidade distópica ao humano-máquina do século XXI / The "cyberpunk prophecy": from dystopian techno-modernity to the 21st century human-machine / La "profecía ciberpunk": de la tecno-modernidad distópica a la máquina humana del siglo XXI

Buscamos, a partir da revisão teórica em plataformas acadêmicas on-line, apresentar proximidades entre os elementos constituintes da categoria de conhecimento cyberpunk, enfocando sua ficção, e a tecnomodernidade do século XXI, alertando sobre problemáticas decorrentes da dominação tecnológica e do processo de "coisificação" do humano. Para tal empreitada teórica e acessibilidade de leitura, utilizamos exemplos cotidianos e metáforas, elucidando terminologias como ciberespaço, distopia e algoritmos. Concluímos que a antiga ficção cyberpunk "profetizou" quanto à tecnomodernidade que vivenciamos, denunciando a nocividade do uso irrefletido das tecnologias. Também compreendemos que a tecnologia empregada em regimes totalitários guarda semelhanças com a sociedade de controle atual. Podemos, portanto, caminhar para uma sociedade continuamente afirmativa quanto ao avanço tecnológico e seu consumismo, conforme a lógica de maior produção e desempenho, no entanto sem acrescer, necessariamente, ao bem-estar social. Alternativa mais dignificante é trabalharmos nossa potência de negação diante do mau emprego tecnológico, opondo-nos a um presente insustentável e a um futuro mais catastrófico e desigual.(AU)

This work sought, from the theoretical review on online academic platforms, to present the proximity between the constituent elements of the cyberpunk knowledge category, focusing on its fiction components, and the 21st century techno-modernity, warning about problems arising from technological domination and the process of "reification" of the human. For this theoretical endeavor, and for increasing the reading accessibility, we used everyday examples and metaphors, elucidating terminologies, such as cyberspace, dystopia, and algorithms. We concluded that the old cyberpunk fiction "prophesied" about the techno-modernity we experience, denouncing the harmfulness of the thoughtless use of technologies. We also understood that the technology used in fictional totalitarian regimes has similarities with the current control society. Therefore, we can move towards a society that is continually affirmative regarding technological advancement and consumerism, according to the logic of greater production and performance. However, without necessarily adding to social welfare. Thus, a more dignified alternative is to work on the power of negation that the society and the individuals have in the face of bad technological employment, opposing an unsustainable present and a more catastrophic and unequal future.(AU)

A partir de una revisión teórica en las plataformas académicas en línea, este trabajo pretende presentar la proximidad entre los elementos constitutivos de la categoría de conocimiento ciberpunk enfocándose en su ficción y la tecno-modernidad del siglo XXI, advirtiendo sobre los problemas derivados de la dominación tecnológica y el proceso de "reificación" de lo humano. Para tal esfuerzo teórico y accesibilidad a la lectura, se utilizan ejemplos y metáforas cotidianas, aclarando terminologías como las de ciberespacio, distopía y algoritmos. Se concluye que la vieja ficción ciberpunk "profetizó" la tecno-modernidad que experimentamos, denunciando la nocividad del uso irreflexivo de las tecnologías. También se pudo comprender que la tecnología utilizada por los regímenes totalitarios ficcionales guarda similitudes con la sociedad de control actual. Por lo tanto, es posible avanzar hacia una sociedad que sea continuamente afirmativa respecto al avance tecnológico y al consumismo, de acuerdo con la lógica de mayor producción y rendimiento. Pero esto no aumenta necesariamente el bienestar social. Una alternativa mejor sería trabajar el poder de negación que tiene nuestra sociedad y sus individuos frente al uso inadecuado de la tecnología, oponiéndonos a un presente insostenible y a un futuro más catastrófico y desigual.(AU)

Neofascismo, ultraneoliberalismo e corrosão da essencialidade da previdência social no Brasil / Neofascism, ultraneoliberalism and corrosion of the essentiality of social security in Brazil

Este artigo trata da corrosão da essencialidade da previdência social e do aprofundamento de seu desmonte no contexto de crise do capital e de fortalecimento da extrema direita no Brasil. Traz resultados parciais da pesquisa "o Estado brasileiro e os paradoxos da implementação da seguridade social no Brasil" que se realiza sob a perspectiva dialética materialista, referenciada na revisão de literatura especializada e análise de dados e documentos. Os resultados revelam o caráter neofascista e ultraneoliberal do governo Bolsonaro; o avanço do processo de corrosão da essencialidade e entrega da previdência social aos capitais; denunciam medidas de ajuste à EC 103/2019, durante a pandemia da covid-19, que limitam o acesso aos direitos, reorientam a finalidade e fragilizam o INSS, instituem a política securitária sob diretrizes mercadológicas, forjam a unificação de regimes de previdência e transferência da gestão dos benefícios não programados ao setor privado

This article deals with the erosion of the essentiality of social security and the deepening of its dismantling in the context of capital crisis and the strengthening of the far right in Brazil. It brings partial results of the research "the Brazilian State and the paradoxes of the implementation of social security in Brazil", which is carried out under a dialectical materialist perspective, referenced in the review of specialized literature and analysis of data and documents. The results reveal the neo-fascist and ultra-neoliberal character of the Bolsonaro government; the progress of the process of corrosion of essentiality and delivery of social security to capitals; highlight measures of adjustment to EC 103/2019, during the covid-19 pandemic, which limit access to rights, reorient the purpose and weaken the INSS, institute the insurance policy under marketing guidelines, forge the unification of pension systems and transfer of management of unscheduled benefits to the private sector

Biopolítica e fascismo a brasileira em tempos de pandemia / Biopolitics and brazilian fascism in times of pandemic / Biopolítica y fascismo brasileño em tiempos de pandemia

Este ensaio busca articular biopolítica, estado totalitário, fascismo brasileiro e pandemia. Se acreditou numa real democracia no Brasil, vê-se o retorno do espectro de um passado tido como superado. Os tempos pandêmicos trouxeram a tona as formas biopolíticas de governo e o fascismo de Estado, que fez coincidir a vida dos cidadãos com a vida nua, com a vida do homo sacer, vidas matáveis e insacrificáveis. Criou-se, no Brasil, numa proporção de território nacional, um campo em que os cidadãos são postos a mortandade que se assemelha aos campos de concentração nazista. É justamente na vida homo sacer que a vida de cada pessoa no Brasil é posta em questão na biopolítica. A população brasileira se tornou referente privilegiado numa proporção inaudita com o homo sacer, nos termos de um governo e Brasil fascista. A vida nua se coincidiu como a vida de qualquer um. Somos todos virtualmente homines sacri.

This essay seeks to articulate biopolitics, totalitarian state, Brazilian fascism and pandemic. A real democracy in Brazil was believed, now the return of the spectrum from a past that is considered to be overcome is seen. Pandemic times show the biopolitical forms of government and State fascism, which made citizens' lives coincide with the bare life, with the life of the homo sacer, lives that may be killed but not sacrificed. In Brazil, in national territory proportion, a camp was created in which citizens are put to death, resembling Nazi concentration camps. It is precisely in homo sacer life that the life of each person in Brazil is called into question in biopolitics. The Brazilian population has become a privileged reference in an unprecedented proportion with the homo sacer, in terms of a government and fascist Brazil. The bare life coincided with anyone's life. We are all virtually homines sacri.

Este ensayo busca articular biopolítica, estado totalitario, fascismo brasileño y pandemia. Si se creía una verdadera democracia em Brasil, vemos el retorno del espectro de um pasado considerado superado. Los tiempos de la pandemia sacaron a la luz las formas biopolíticas de gobierno y el fascismo del Estado, lo que hizo que la vida de los ciudadanos coincidiera com la vida desnuda, com la vida del homo sacer, la vida madurable e insacrificable. En Brasil, en una proporción del territorio nacional, se creó un campo em el que se mata a ciudadanos que se asemeja a los campos de concentración nazis. Precisamente em la vida del homo sacer se cuestiona la vida de cada persona en Brasil en biopolítica. La población brasileña se convirtió en una referencia privilegiada en una proporciónsin precedentes con el homo sacer, en términos de um gobierno y un Brasil fascista. La vida desnuda coincidia com la vida de cualquiera. Todos somos prácticamente homines sacri.

[National populism and fascism in a comparative historical perspective. Max Weber's sociology of domination revisitedComparaison historique entre national-populisme et fascisme. Sur l'actualité de la sociologie de la domination de Max Weber]. / Nationalpopulismus und Faschismus im historischen Vergleich. Zur Aktualität von Max Webers Herrschaftssoziologie.

The rise of rightwing populism in the last decade, but more recently also the seemingly "authoritarian" measures taken by the state in protection against the COVID-19 pandemic, inspire ever more frequent comparisons with historical fascism. The paper discusses to what extent such a diachronic comparison is empirically and methodologically sound. The analysis is based in Max Weber's concept of "ideal type", which can be used as a tertium comparationis. The concept of "fascist minimum", which systematizes the structural features of fascist movements and regimes, provides a standard of comparison that combines theoretical rigor and empirical substance. Applying the concept of "fascist minimum", the article examines if and to what extent current tendencies of and in German politics deserve to be called "fascist".

La montée du populisme de droite au cours de la dernière décennie, mais aussi les récentes mesures étatiques de lutte contre la pandémie de coronavirus perçues comme « autoritaires ¼, ont suscité une augmentation des comparaisons avec le fascisme historique dans différents camps politiques. Cet article pose la question de savoir dans quelle mesure une telle comparaison diachronique est empiriquement solide et par là même pertinente. Sur le plan méthodologique, l'argumentation s'inspire du concept wébérien d'idéal-type qui peut être utilisé comme tertium comparationis. Le concept sociologique de « minimum fasciste ¼, qui agrège les caractéristiques structurelles générales des mouvements et régimes fascistes, constitue une échelle de référence théoriquement plus robuste et empiriquement plus consistante. Adoptant la perspective analytique du « minimum fasciste ¼, cet article examine si et, le cas échéant, dans quelle mesure les tendances actuelles de la politique et de l'État en Allemagne présentent des traits « fascistes ¼.

Psicanálise e autoritarismo: articulações entre unheimliche em Freud e fascismo em Adorno e Horkheimer¹ / Psychoanalysis and authoritarianism: interactions between unheimliche in Greud and fascism in Adorno and Horkheimer / Psicoanálisis y autoritarismo: articulaciones entre unheimliche en Freud y fascismo en Adorno y Horkheimer

RESUMO Afinal, o que leva os sujeitos esclarecidos a agirem de maneira hostil e violenta contra aqueles que lhes são estranhos? Buscando responder esta questão o objetivo principal do artigo consiste em uma análise do conceito de Unheimliche na teoria freudiana e suas implicações políticas na Teoria Crítica de Theodor W. Adorno e Max Horkheimer, tendo em vista que esse conceito atravessa as significativas reflexões destes autores acerca de sua concepção de personalidade potencialmente autoritária. Para tanto, o método utilizado foi a revisão bibliográfica na qual se analisou nas formulações tanto de Sigmund Freud quanto dos pensadores frankfurtianos os possíveis elementos que auxiliam na compreensão da violência contra o inquietante (Unheimliche). A partir dessa aproximação teórica, concluiu-se a necessidade de ampliação do debate acerca do fascismo, visto que seu ressurgimento nas primeiras décadas deste século aponta para seu perigo iminente.

ABSTRACT After all, what makes enlightened people act in a hostile and violent manner against those who are strange to them? Seeking to answer this question, the aim of this article is to analyze the concept of Unheimliche in the Freudian theory and its political implications in the Critical Theory of Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, considering that the concept passes through significant reflections of these authors about their conception of a potentially authoritarian personality. For this purpose, the chosen method was the bibliographic review by which we analyzed some elements that assist us on the comprehension of the violence against the Uncanny (Unheimliche), based on the thoughts of both Sigmund Freud and the Frankfurtian thinkers. From this theoretical approach, we concluded that there is a need to amplify the debate about fascism, considering that its resurgence in the first decades of this century indicates its imminent danger.

RESUMEN Después de todo, ¿lo que lleva a los sujetos iluminados para actuar de una manera hostil y violenta contra los que son ajenos a ellos? Buscando responder a esta pregunta el objetivo principal del artículo consiste en un análisis del concepto de Unheimliche en la teoría freudiana y sus implicaciones políticas en la Teoría Crítica de Theodor W. adorno y Max Horkheimer, teniendo en cuenta que este concepto atraviesa las significativas reflexiones de estos autores acerca de su concepción de personalidad potencialmente autoritaria. Para ello, el método utilizado fue la revisión bibliográfica en la que se analizó en las formulaciones tanto de Sigmund Freud como de los pensadores frankfurtianos los posibles elementos que ayudan en la comprensión de la violencia contra lo inquietante (das Unheimliche) A partir de ese acercamiento teórico, se concluyó la necesidad de ampliación del debate sobre el fascismo, ya que su resurgimiento en las primeras décadas de este siglo apunta a su peligro inminente.

Virchow medallists and honorary members of the German Society of Pathology and their relationship with National Socialism : A cross-sectional study.

The present study focuses on the group of pathologists who (1) were appointed honorary members or bearers of the Rudolf Virchow Medal by the German Society for Pathology (DGP) and (2) experienced the Third Reich as a citizen of the Third Reich. In particular, it examines the relationship between those distinguished persons and National Socialism, and, at the same time, the criteria of the professional society when awarding such honors. Specifically, it is important to clarify what role the DGP officials ascribed to the political stance or experience of the candidates in the Nazi dictatorship during the selection process: were there victims of the Nazis among the honorees whose repressive experiences and personal fates were intended to be acknowledged in this way? Of equal interest is the counter-question: were pathologists honored who had made (party) political commitments to National Socialism during the Third Reich?A total of nine Virchow medallists and three honorary members met the inclusion criteria. None of those affected belonged to the group of pathologists who suffered injustice during the Third Reich or who could be described as victims of the Nazis. On the other hand, four of the nine German Virchow medal winners and one of the three honorary members had joined the National Socialist Party and to some extent other Nazi organisations. Obviously, previous closeness to National Socialism was not a decisive factor in the selection of honorary members and Virchow medallists and, in particular, was not an exclusion criterion.The aforementioned results correspond to the findings of a parallel study, in which the political past of the German DGP chairmen appointed up to 1986 was examined. This showed that two thirds of them had joined the National Socialist Party during the Third Reich.

The nurse in the mirror: Image of the female nurse during the Italian fascist period.

AIMS: To describe the image of the female Licensed Nurse in Italy as promoted by the Fascist party from 1939-1943 and to understand how gender stereotypes influenced the construction of this image. DESIGN: Mixed methods design. METHOD: The study started in 2016 and ended in 2019. In the qualitative phase, the primary source was analysis, following Chabod's historical method (2012), while the quantitative phase involved statistical analysis of textual data. DATA SOURCES: All data came from the only nursing category magazine of the time: 'L'Infermiera Italiana' (The Italian Nurse), published from 1939-1943. RESULTS: From 112 articles analysed, the gradual elevation of the nurse emerged, including the partial replacement of 'old' nurses with Graduate Nurses. The analysis shows the maturation in structure, differentiation and specification, together with the birth of a new professional image. The accepted image of the nurse was now a woman of high moral character with religious ideals, but less known for her technical skills, an exception being the Visiting Health Assistant who functioned at a high level in the society. CONCLUSIONS: The study shows an articulated, congruent and cohesive set of dimensions through which to review history and to understand the dynamics underlying the structuring of the nurse's professional image. IMPACT: A better understanding of the dynamics behind the development of the professional image will guide present and future actions on gender stereotypes and their negative effects on the safety and quality of nursing care. International synergies and alliances are required.

'Psychosis of civilization': a colonial-situated diagnosis.

In the late 1930s, when colonial psychiatry was well established in the Maghreb, the diagnosis 'psychosis of civilization' appeared in some psychiatrists' writings. Through the clinical case of a Libyan woman treated by the Italian psychiatrist Angelo Bravi in Tripoli, this article explores its emergence and its specificity in a differential approach, and highlights its main characteristics. The term applied to subjects poised between two worlds: incapable of becoming 'like' Europeans - a goal to which they seem to aspire - but too far from their 'ancestral habits' to revert for a quiet life. The visits of these subjects to colonial psychiatric institutions, provided valuable new material for psychiatrists: to see how colonization impacted inner life and to raise awareness of the long-term socio-political dangers.

Não dá mais! A impiedade de Cronos, o idoso e o cenário atual brasileiro / No more! The wickedness of Cronos, the elderly and the current brazilian scenario / ¡No más! La maldad de Cronos, los ancianos y el escenario brasileño actual / Pas plus! La méchanceté de Cronos, les personnes âgées et le scénario brésilien actuel

O artigo lança algumas reflexões sobre o ser idoso no cenário atual brasileiro. Para tanto, toma como referência a carta deixada pelo ator Flávio Migliaccio antes de cometer suicídio. Usando como argumento a impiedade de Cronos, tempo regente e imperativo da finitude, discutem-se as condições sociais e culturais de uma sociedade atravessada pelos imperativos fascistas e assolada pelas incertezas da eminente pandemia. Neste sentido, exploram-se os conceitos de desmentido e ética do cuidado, ambos pensados com base na teoria de Sándor Ferenczi. Por fim, salienta-se a importância da educação como uma perspectiva de esperança no futuro.

The article launches some reflections on being elderly in the current Brazilian scenario. To this end, reference is made to the letter left by actor Flávio Migliaccio before committing suicide. Arguing the wickedness of Cronos, the ruling time and imperative of finitude, we discuss the social and cultural conditions of a society crossed by fascist imperatives and plagued by the uncertainties of the eminent pandemic. In this sense, the concepts of denial and ethics of care are explored, both thought from the theory of Sándor Ferenczi. Finally, the importance of education is highlighted as a prospect of hope for the future.

El artículo lanza algunas reflexiones sobre ser anciano en el escenario brasileño actual. Con este fin, se hace referencia a la carta que dejó el actor Flávio Migliaccio antes de suicidarse. Argumentando la maldad de Cronos, el tiempo de gobierno y el imperativo de la finitud, discutimos las condiciones sociales y culturales de una sociedad atravesada por imperativos fascistas y plagada por las incertidumbres de la eminente pandemia. En este sentido, se exploran los conceptos de negación y ética del cuidado, ambos pensados desde la teoría de Sándor Ferenczi. Finalmente, se destaca la importancia de la educación como una perspectiva de esperanza para el futuro.

L'article lance quelques réflexions sur le fait d'être âgé dans le scénario brésilien actuel. À cette fin, il est fait référence à la lettre laissée par l'acteur Flávio Migliaccio avant de se suicider. Faisant valoir la méchanceté de Cronos, le temps régnant et l'impératif de finitude, nous discutons des conditions sociales et culturelles d'une société traversée par des impératifs fascistes et en proie aux incertitudes de l'éminente pandémie. En ce sens, les concepts de déni et d'éthique des soins sont explorés, tous deux pensés à partir de la théorie de Sándor Ferenczi. Enfin, l'importance de l'éducation est soulignée comme une perspective d'espoir pour l'avenir.

[Virchow medallists and honorary members of the German Society for Pathology and their relationship with National Socialism : A cross-sectional study. German version]. / Virchow-Medaillenträger und Ehrenmitglieder der DGP und ihr Verhältnis zum Nationalsozialismus : Eine Querschnittsstudie.

The present study focuses on the group of pathologists who (1) were appointed honorary members or bearers of the Rudolf Virchow Medal by the German Society for Pathology (DGP) and (2) experienced the "Third Reich" as a citizen of the "Third Reich". In particular, it examines the relationship between those distinguished persons and National Socialism, and, at the same time, the criteria of the professional society when awarding such honours. Specifically, it is important to clarify what role the DGP officials ascribed to the political stance or experience of the candidates in the Nazi dictatorship during the selection process: were there victims of the Nazis among the honourees whose repressive experiences and personal fates were intended to be acknowledged in this way? Of equal interest is the counter-question: were pathologists honoured who had made (party)political commitments to National Socialism during the "Third Reich"?A total of 9 Virchow medallists and 3 honorary members met the inclusion criteria. None of those affected belonged to the group of pathologists who suffered injustice during the "Third Reich" or who could be described as victims of the Nazis. On the other hand, 4 of the 9 German Virchow medal winners and 1 of the 3 honorary members had joined the National Socialist Party and to some extent other Nazi organisations. Obviously, previous closeness to National Socialism was not a decisive factor in the selection of honorary members and Virchow medallists and, in particular, was not an exclusion criterion.The aforementioned results correspond to the findings of a parallel study, in which the political past of the German DGP chairmen appointed up to 1986 was examined. This showed that two thirds of them had joined the National Socialist Party during the "Third Reich".

A escalada do fascismo no Brasil: rebatimentos ao campo profissional da psicologia / The rise of fascism in Brazil: repercussions onto the professional field of psychology / La escalada del fascismo en Brasil: repercusiones en el campo profesional de la psicología

Este trabalho objetiva problematizar a escalada do fascismo e do conservadorismo no Brasil e as principais formas de enfrentamento construídas pelo Conselho Federal de Psicologia (CFP). Desde 2016, acompanhamos no país um aumento significativo de discursos conservadores e de ações que cerceiam as liberdades democráticas individuais e coletivas, que nos remetem ao fascismo. A Psicologia, como ciência e profissão, tem sido um dos alvos prioritários dessa onda conservadora. Diante disso, foi realizado um levantamento das notícias hospedadas no site virtual do Conselho Federal de Psicologia, que compreendeu o período de janeiro de 2016 a maio de 2019. Os resultados revelaram importantes considerações sobre a postura do CFP diante do desmonte das políticas públicas, dos retrocessos no campo dos direitos sociais e civis e das manifestações de preconceito, racismo, LGBTfobia ocorridas no país, nos últimos anos.

This paper aims to discuss the rise of fascism and conservationism in Brazil and the main ways of confrontation built by the Federal Council of Psychology (CFP). Since 2016, we have been following a significant increase in conservative speeches and actions that curtail individual and collective democratic freedoms, which lead us to fascism. Psychology, as a science and profession, has been one of the priority targets of this conservative wave. Thus, a survey of the news hosted on the website of the Federal Council of Psychology was carried out from January 2016 to May 2019. The results revealed important considerations about the Council’s attitude concerning the dismantling of public policies, the setbacks in the field of social and civil rights and manifestations of prejudice, racism and LGBTphobia that have occurred in the country in recent years.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo discutir la escalada del fascismo y el conservadurismo en Brasil y las principales formas de confrontación construidas por el Consejo Federal de Psicología (CFP). Desde 2016, hemos estado siguiendo un aumento significativo en discursos conservadores, y prácticas y acciones que limitan las libertades democráticas individuales y colectivas, que nos llevan al fascismo. La psicología, como ciencia y profesión, ha sido uno de los objetivos prioritarios de esta ola conservadora. Ante esto, se realizó una encuesta de las noticias alojadas en el sitio web del Consejo Federal de Psicología, que comprendió el período de enero de 2016 a mayo de 2019. Los resultados revelaron consideraciones importantes sobre la actitud del Consejo hacia el desmantelamiento de las políticas públicas, los reveses en el campo de los derechos sociales y civiles y las manifestaciones de prejuicios, racismo, LGBT que han ocurrido en el país en los últimos años.